By Raj Gonsalkorale
It is perplexing as to why the Tamil community of Sri Lanka is not making the best use of the opportunity before them to achieve some of their aspirations. The war is over, the LTTE that held them and the country hostage is no longer there to prevent a just and reasonable solution being found to this national issue, and the two main candidates for the Presidency are both vying primarily for the Sinhala vote, which is the key to winning the election. One is trying hard to make sure his predominantly Sinhala constituency remains intact, and the other is trying to create dents in that and sway them towards him.
The total Sinhala vote is probably around 75%, and with the tug of war to divide this vote more in favour of one candidate than the other, neither candidate can have the assurance of winning the election just with the Sinhala vote.
While the Muslim vote is also important, the Tamil vote, purely on account of their numbers becomes crucial in this election for either of the main candidates. Tamils therefore can play a major part in determining who wins the next election. This is therefore a golden opportunity to pave the way for them to achieve some of their unrealized aspirations.
It does not appear that Tamil politicians in general have considered this opportunity, and they seem bent on letting go of a chance in a life time. The conflict within the TNA, the largest Tamil political grouping in Sri Lanka, is an indication of this disarray.
In pursuing their aspirations, Tamils obviously need to understand that the two main candidates cannot alienate their primary constituency in order to woo Tamil votes. Such alienation will ensure the defeat of that candidate, and therefore the inability for Tamils to achieve their objectives. As a result, simply as a matter of self preservation if not for any other reason, pursuing their political objectives has to be done in conjunction with the aspirations of the Sinhala community as well.
Some Tamils may argue that their inalienable rights need not be pursued at the dictates of the major community. As a philosophical contention this maybe right and justified. However, as a practical and realistic matter, what might be needed is an accommodation with the major community, rather than to be dictated by them.
Again, some Tamils may argue that they tried these fifty years ago, and it did not work, and the impasse led to the emergence of the LTTE. Here, one needs to pause to think whether it is correct to say it did not work considering that several of the issues prevalent at the time are no longer issues, although there maybe some issues that still need attention.
For some Tamils, an accommodation with the Sinhalese might appear to be a dent on their vanity and self respect. They probably veer towards a separate State or a Federal State for Tamils. This is clearly not acceptable to the Sinhala people, and therefore to neither of the main Presidential candidates.
Tamils who are desisting an accommodation with the Sinhalese and still trying to win such an outcome by forcible means or even peaceful means must know that their tactics have failed and it will continue to fail. A realistic Tamil should therefore consider other strategies to achieve their aspirations, and do this through a process of accommodation.
Such realistic Tamils could ask the question as to what is needed by the Sinhala people to achieve an accommodation with them. While there could be many answers to this question considering the complexity and diversity found amongst the Sinhala people, what might be a common thread amongst most Sinhala people might be the need for Tamils to formally, and with clear finality, accept the unitary nature of the country.
From a Sinhala perspective, this needs to be a pre condition for further discussions on a solution to address how one may accommodate Tamil desires for achieving their aspirations.
President Rajapaksa has enunciated his stance on this key philosophical issue. For him, the country is one, there are no minorities in it, and all are Sri Lankans of different ethnic origins. He has sought, and succeeded in commencing a process of accommodation and power sharing with the Tamils. The fact that two former LTTE terrorists are now democrats and supporting him, with one being a Minister in his government and a senior Vice President of the SLFP, and the other, the Chief Minister of the elected Provincial Council of the Eastern province, and several other Tamil political parties being constituents of his governing coalition and some being ministers in his government, illustrates the point that he has commenced the process of power sharing.
No doubt there is more to do, but Tamils must also realize and accept that President Rajapaksa has to tread carefully when pursuing these initiatives in order to make sure he does not alienate his Sinhala constituency. It would help him greatly if the Tamils accepted the unitary nature of the country formally, and with finality, as that would strengthen his hand to take the next step in advancing greater accommodation with the Tamil community and formalizing power sharing through constitutional means.
What President Rajapaksa has achieved is there for all to see. It is a beginning and more may need to be done, but he has commenced the process.
The other main Presidential candidate, Sarath Fonseka, who has no political experience, and is a military man inside and out, is only able to say what he would do if elected President. His promises have to be viewed in the context of his other promises in order to assess how serious he is about keeping them if elected. Considering his reckless promise to increase wages by Rs 10,000/= per month to all workers without any thought to the economic implications of such a move that would cost the country Rs 180 billion every year, Tamils will have to consider whether they could have confidence in his ability to deliver his promises.
They must also consider his stated views on Sinhala supremacy and the existence of Tamils in Sri Lanka more as bystanders than co owners of the country. It is difficult to imagine why any Tamil would support General Fonseka considering that he has said one thing to please his Sinhala constituency and his new found friends, the JVP, and on the other hand said the opposite of these to please the Tamils.
It is fair therefore to ask the question, who is the real Sarath Fonseka? Who is behind the several masks that the public sees? Is he a puppet, and in that case, who is the puppeteer?
Tamils must decide whether they are willing to support a mask rather than a real person. Their decision will decide the outcome of this election and their fate, and with that, the fate of the country.
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